# Hubert Humphrey _Mayor of Minneapolis, senator from Minnesota and vice president, floor manager of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 — what he said Title VII would and would not require, what he voted for and against when Title VII was extended to the States, the federal contract program he reorganized, and how his words are used in the cases that now reach Minnesota_ | Hubert Humphrey | | |---|---| | Full name | Hubert H. Humphrey Jr. | | Born | May 27, 1911, Wallace, South Dakota | | Died | January 13, 1978, in office as U.S. senator | | Party | Democratic-Farmer-Labor | | Mayor of Minneapolis | 1945–1948 | | U.S. senator from Minnesota | January 3, 1949 – December 29, 1964 (resigned); January 3, 1971 – January 13, 1978 (died) | | Senate Democratic whip | 1961 until he left the Senate (the Senate's list gives 1961–1965) | | Floor manager, Civil Rights Act of 1964 | March–June 1964 | | Vice President of the United States | January 20, 1965 – January 20, 1969 | | Democratic nominee for President | 1968 (lost to Richard Nixon, 191 to 301 electoral votes) | | Minnesota instruments signed | none (he never held state office) | | Federal votes on the 1972 extension of Title VII to the States | against Ervin amendments Nos. 829 and 907; for passage | | Namesake | Hubert H. Humphrey Institute (now School) of Public Affairs, University of Minnesota, renamed in 1977 | | Parent article | [[How Minnesota Got Here]] | | Status | architect article; restates the record and sets out the readings; adjudicates nothing | **Hubert H. Humphrey Jr.** (1911–1978) was mayor of Minneapolis from 1945 to 1948, a United States senator from Minnesota from 1949 to 1964 and from 1971 until his death, vice president of the United States under Lyndon Johnson from 1965 to 1969, and the Democratic nominee for president in 1968.[^1][^2][^3][^4][^5] As the Democratic whip in 1964 he managed the [[Civil Rights Act of 1964]] on the Senate floor; [[Title VII]] of that act is the law under which the United States sued the State of Minnesota in January 2026.[^6][^7] This article treats Humphrey as one of the six figures the project calls architects. Unlike [[Harold Stassen]], he never held state office and signed no Minnesota instrument.[^1][^2] His place in the record rests on four sets of federal acts and words. In 1964 he told the Senate, repeatedly and on the record, what Title VII would not require. "The truth," he said on March 30, "is that this title forbids discriminating against anyone on account of race"; on April 9 he offered to eat the bill's pages if anyone could find in it language requiring an employer to hire "on the basis of percentage or quota."[^8][^9][^10] In 1965, as vice president, he recommended the reorganization that put federal contract compliance in the Department of Labor.[^11][^12] In 1972, as a senator again, he voted against an amendment that would have barred federal agencies from requiring an employer to hire by race, religion, national origin or sex in numerical terms, against an amendment that would have extended § 703(j) to the federal contract program, and for the bill that first brought state governments under Title VII as employers.[^13][^14][^15] And in 1979 both the majority and the dissent in *[[United Steelworkers v. Weber]]*, the decision the 2026 complaint criticizes in its opening paragraphs, drew on his 1964 statements.[^8][^7] The 2026 complaint does not mention him.[^7][^16] The statutes it cites, [[Minn. Stat. § 43A.19]] and [[Minn. Stat. § 43A.191]], were enacted in 1981 and 1985, three and seven years after his death.[^7][^17][^18] The corpus's account of Humphrey contains a number of errors — among them the date of his best-known floor remark, the claim that he transferred Title VII authority to the Attorney General in 1978, and the claim that § 43A.191 was signed in 1981 — which are collected in [[#Corpus claims checked]].[^19] ## Scope and method The article follows the method of its parent: individuals in official capacity, instruments described by what they require, the readings the record supports stated side by side without a verdict.[^20][^21] For the 1964 debate it cites the bound *Congressional Record*, volume 110, by page, and quotes Humphrey in the wording the Supreme Court used when it quoted the same pages in *Weber*, because the scanned Record pages are set in interleaved columns that do not always survive text extraction.[^22][^9][^8] For 1972 it cites the roll calls printed in volume 118.[^13][^14] Where the record leaves a date or count unresolved — the date of the Minneapolis fair-employment ordinance is the main example — the competing sources are given.[^23][^1][^24] The merits of race-conscious hiring are outside the article. The question it asks is narrower: what Humphrey said Title VII meant, what he voted for when Title VII was extended to the States, and what of his record the institutions and cases at issue in [[How Minnesota Got Here]] rely on.[^25] ## Early life and the DFL Humphrey was born in Wallace, South Dakota, on May 27, 1911. He was a registered pharmacist at the Humphrey Drug Store in Huron, South Dakota, from 1933 to 1937, took a bachelor's degree in political science at the University of Minnesota in 1939 and a master's degree at Louisiana State University in 1940, and taught political science at Macalester College in 1943–44.[^1] He chaired the Fusion Committee that merged the Minnesota Democratic Party with the Farmer-Labor Party in 1944, and then the new [[Minnesota Democratic–Farmer–Labor Party|Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party]]'s first state convention.[^26] The Historical Society's account of the merger names three leaders: Elmer Kelm of the Democrats; [[Elmer A. Benson]], head of the Farmer-Labor Party's dominant left wing; and Humphrey.[^26] The merged party included the Popular Front faction at first. After "considerable infighting," the society's finding aid records, Humphrey led the party's anti-communist wing to dominance, "effectively excluding the Popular Front faction from 1948 onward."[^26] [[Walter Mondale]] began in politics as a volunteer in Humphrey's mayoral campaigns, an organizer for the new party's liberal faction and a field worker in Humphrey's first Senate campaign, and later ran [[Orville Freeman]]'s campaigns for governor in 1956 and 1958.[^27] ## Mayor of Minneapolis, 1945–1948 Humphrey was mayor of Minneapolis from 1945 to 1948.[^1] His own account of the city's civil-rights machinery, given in a 1949 speech, begins with a Mayor's Council on Human Relations, which "met for the first time, appropriately on Lincoln's Birthday, in 1946," with representatives of schools, churches, the professions, labor and business, and aimed at eliminating discriminatory practices in employment, education, housing, recreation, law enforcement and vocational training; MinnPost's account credits the mayor's committee with a citywide self-survey of discrimination.[^23][^24] A year after the council was established, he said, "our City Council passed a municipal FEPC ordinance with enforcement powers. But we didn't have to use those powers," because half the cases brought to the commission had been settled by mediation and the rest withdrawn or still pending when he left office.[^23] The date of the ordinance is reported differently. Humphrey's "a year after" points to 1947; MinnPost, in a 2011 account, puts its passage in January 1947 by a vote of 21 to 3; the Minnesota Historical Society's research guide on Humphrey dates "the nation's first municipal fair employment law" to 1948.[^23][^24][^28] The 2011 Senate resolution honoring his centennial says that as mayor he "created the Nation's first municipal equal employment opportunity commission."[^1] The ordinance itself, its number and its roll call are an open item. The ordinance and the council were municipal. No document read for this article links either to a later Minnesota statute; the corpus's statement that § 43A.191 "inherits" the Minneapolis structure has no source.[^19][^18] ## 1948: the convention and the Senate On July 14, 1948, at the Democratic National Convention in Philadelphia, Humphrey spoke for the minority plank on civil rights, which the convention adopted.[^29][^1] His papers hold several versions of the speech. The advance text says the proposal was made "with no single region, no single class, no single racial or religious group in mind" and that "all people, all groups have been the victims of discrimination"; the *Official Proceedings* of the convention print the delivered wording: "All people, and get this; all people, white and black, all racial groups, have been the victims at times in this nation of vicious discrimination."[^29] A transcription of the recording closes with the passage that the Senate's 2011 resolution quotes in shortened form: "The time has arrived in America for the Democratic Party to get out of the shadow of states' rights and to walk forthrightly into the bright sunshine of human rights."[^30][^1] In November 1948 he was elected to the Senate, defeating the Republican incumbent Joseph H. Ball — whom Governor [[Harold Stassen]] had appointed in 1940 — by 729,494 votes to 485,801.[^31][^2][^32] The 2011 resolution describes him as the first Democrat from Minnesota elected to the Senate.[^1] ## Senator, 1949–1964 Humphrey took his Senate seat on January 3, 1949, and held it until he resigned on December 29, 1964, to become vice president.[^2] He was a founding member of [[Americans for Democratic Action]], and from 1961 he was the Senate's Democratic whip.[^1][^33] Three items from these years bear on the later record. In 1954 Congress enacted the Communist Control Act (S. 3706), approved August 24, 1954; the corpus describes Humphrey as its sponsor, which the statute's text does not record and which has not been checked against the *Record*.[^34][^19] In November 1957, in a release from his Senate office, he urged that "the full force and power of White House prestige should be used to break down" what he called quota-system discrimination in college admissions — limits on the number of students of minority racial and religious groups a school would admit.[^35] And from 1955 to 1958 he chaired the Foreign Relations Committee's Subcommittee on Disarmament, in the same years in which [[Harold Stassen]] was the President's special assistant for disarmament; the subcommittee held hearings in Minneapolis among other cities.[^36][^37] ## The Civil Rights Act of 1964 ### Managing the bill The House passed H.R. 7152 on February 10, 1964, and Majority Leader Mike Mansfield placed it directly on the Senate calendar. In the Senate, Humphrey, as Democratic whip, managed the bill on the floor; the Republican whip, Thomas Kuchel of California, managed it for his party.[^6][^8] The Senate debated it for sixty days, including seven Saturdays. Humphrey worked with the Republican leader, [[Everett Dirksen]], to redraft provisions Dirksen objected to; on June 10 the Senate voted 71 to 29 for cloture, the first time it had ended debate on a civil rights bill, and it passed the bill nine days later. The House accepted the Senate version on July 2, and President Johnson signed it that day.[^6] ### What he said Title VII would not require The opponents' central charge against Title VII was that it would force employers to hire by racial quota or to achieve racial balance. Humphrey answered it on the floor repeatedly. The passages below are on pages of the bound *Congressional Record*, volume 110, and each was later quoted in *Weber*.[^8] | Date | Page | What he said | Sources | |---|---|---|---| | March 17, 1964 | 5423 | Answering an advertisement that predicted racial-balance hiring, he said that "nothing in the bill would permit any official or court to require any employer or labor union to give preferential treatment to any minority group." | [^22][^8] | | March 30, 1964 | 6549 | "The truth," he said, "is that this title forbids discriminating against anyone on account of race. This is the simple and complete truth about title VII." The title would give no power "to require hiring, firing, or promotion of employees in order to meet a racial 'quota' or to achieve a certain racial balance"; "That bugaboo has been brought up a dozen times; but it is nonexistent"; and "Title VII is designed to encourage hiring on the basis of ability and qualifications, not race or religion." | [^9][^8] | | March 30, 1964 | 6553 | "It is claimed that the bill would require racial quotas for all hiring, when in fact it provides that race shall not be a basis for making personnel decisions." | [^9][^8] | | April 9, 1964 | 7420 | In an exchange with Senator A. Willis Robertson of Virginia: "If the Senator can find in title VII . . . any language which provides that an employer will have to hire on the basis of percentage or quota related to color . . . I will start eating the pages one after another, because it is not in there." | [^10][^8] | | May 25, 1964 | 11848 | The title "does not provide that any preferential treatment in employment shall be given," and "the title would prohibit preferential treatment for any particular group." | [^38][^8] | | June 4, 1964 | 12723 | Of § 703(j): "This subsection does not represent any change in the substance of the title." | [^39][^8] | The April 9 remark is the one most often repeated. The corpus dates it to the March 30 speech and describes it as "sworn"; it was an exchange in floor debate on April 9, with Robertson replying that if Humphrey started eating pages he should begin with the wage and hour law.[^10][^19] In January 2026 the Texas attorney general quoted it, citing "110 Cong. Rec. 7420 (1964) (statement of Sen. Humphrey)," in a formal opinion on diversity, equity and inclusion programs.[^40] The same March 30 speech framed the bill's purpose around "the plight of the Negro in our economy" and the exclusion of Black workers from skilled jobs — the passages the *Weber* majority would later quote to explain what Congress meant Title VII to accomplish.[^9][^8] ### The testing amendment A second provision shows Humphrey speaking for the bill's supporters on a change to the text. Senator John Tower of Texas offered an amendment protecting employers' use of ability tests; after a first version was defeated, Tower offered a substitute, and Humphrey, "Speaking for the supporters of Title VII," in the Court's later words, endorsed it: "Senators on both sides of the aisle who were deeply interested in title VII have examined the text of this amendment and have found it to be in accord with the intent and purpose of that title." It was adopted and became § 703(h). The Supreme Court quoted that endorsement in *[[Griggs v. Duke Power Co.]]* (1971) when it held that tests must be related to the job.[^41] ### Section 703(j) On May 26, 1964, the leadership's substitute for the House bill was introduced as Amendment No. 656; the *Record* notes it as submitted by Dirksen for himself, Mansfield, Humphrey and Kuchel.[^42] Its Title VII contained a new subsection, § 703(j), which the Supreme Court later attributed to Dirksen: "Section 703(j) was proposed by Senator Dirksen."[^8] As enacted, it provides that nothing in the title "shall be interpreted to require any employer" to grant preferential treatment to any individual or group because of race, color, religion, sex or national origin on account of an imbalance in the number or percentage of persons of that group employed.[^43] On June 4, explaining the substitute item by item, Humphrey said of § 703(j): "This subsection does not represent any change in the substance of the title. It does state clearly and accurately what we have maintained all along about the bill's intent and meaning."[^39][^8] In the same speech he noted that "the Attorney General is authorized by section 707 to institute suit whenever he has reasonable cause to believe that there is a pattern or practice" of resistance to the title's rights.[^39] Section 707 is the pattern-or-practice authority whose language the 2026 complaint tracks; the 1972 amendments transferred it to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission two years after their enactment.[^7][^15] ### What Title VII did not reach in 1964 As enacted on July 2, 1964, Title VII did not apply to state governments as employers. Section 701(b) defined "employer" to exclude "the United States, a corporation wholly owned by the Government of the United States, an Indian tribe, or a State or political subdivision thereof."[^43] Humphrey's assurances of 1964 were therefore made about a law that did not then cover the State of Minnesota's own hiring; that coverage came in 1972.[^43][^15] ## Vice President, 1965–1969 ### The contract program Humphrey was elected vice president on Lyndon Johnson's ticket in November 1964, with 486 electoral votes, and served as vice president from 1965 to 1969.[^4][^3] Two equal-opportunity bodies were his by office. Kennedy's [[Executive Order 10925]] of March 6, 1961 had created the President's Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity with "The Vice President of the United States, who is hereby designated Chairman of the Committee," and had written into every federal contract the clause in which the contractor agreed that it "will take affirmative action to ensure that applicants are employed, and that employees are treated during employment, without regard to their race, creed, color, or national origin."[^44] Johnson's Executive Order 11197 of February 5, 1965 created a President's Council on Equal Opportunity, likewise chaired by the vice president.[^45] In 1965 Humphrey recommended that both be wound up and their work assigned to departments. His memorandum, made public with Johnson's reply of September 24, 1965, recommended that responsibility for the federal contract-compliance program "should now be vested directly in the Department of Labor, and I so recommend," and that the Committee be discontinued.[^11] Johnson concurred the same day and signed two orders. [[Executive Order 11246]] gave the Secretary of Labor the contract program and, in § 403(a), abolished the Committee established by Executive Order 10925; Executive Order 11247 gave the Attorney General the coordination of Title VI enforcement and revoked Executive Order 11197.[^11][^12][^46] On October 5, 1965 the Secretary of Labor created the [[Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs|Office of Federal Contract Compliance]], whose first director required every contractor with more than 50 employees and a contract above $50,000 to develop an affirmative action plan.[^47] Three features of this record limit what can be attributed to Humphrey. He did not sign Executive Order 11246; Johnson did.[^47][^11] The "affirmative action" clause in federal contracts predates him: it is Kennedy's, from 1961.[^44][^47] And the numerical "goals and timetables" for which the contract program became known were introduced by regulations "in 1970 under President Nixon," a year in which Humphrey held no federal office.[^48][^2] The corpus's descriptions of him as a co-architect of Executive Order 11246 and as its second-most-senior signatory are not supported.[^19][^12] The order was rescinded by Executive Order 14173 on January 21, 2025.[^47] ### Vietnam and 1968 On February 17, 1965, less than a month into his term, Humphrey wrote a memorandum to Johnson cautioning against escalation in Vietnam; "American wars have to be politically understandable by the American public," it said. The *Foreign Relations* editors note that there is no record of it in the White House files at the Johnson Library, and that Bill Moyers said he passed a copy to Johnson.[^49] MNopedia's assessment is that "His support for the Vietnam War, however, cost him the office he most sought."[^50] The corpus's phrase "Humphrey's war," used to connect him to the later resettlement of Hmong refugees in Minnesota, identifies no act of his.[^19][^49] He was the Democratic nominee for president in 1968 and lost to Richard Nixon, 191 electoral votes to 301, with George Wallace receiving 46.[^5] ## Senator again, 1971–1978 Humphrey returned to the Senate on January 3, 1971, in the seat Eugene McCarthy had held, and served until his death.[^2] ### The 1972 extension of Title VII to the States In 1972 Congress amended Title VII to cover state and local governments. The Senate bill, S. 2515, and the House bill it was merged into, H.R. 1746, became the [[Equal Employment Opportunity Act of 1972]], approved March 24, 1972. It inserted "governments, governmental agencies, political subdivisions" into the definition of "person" and rewrote the definition of "employer" so that it no longer excluded the States.[^15] That is the coverage under which the United States sued the State of Minnesota in 2026.[^7] The Senate's roll calls on the bill record Humphrey's position on the questions that run through this project. | Date | Roll call | Question | Result | Humphrey | Mondale | Source | |---|---|---|---|---|---|---| | January 28, 1972 | No. 19 | Ervin amendment No. 829 | rejected, 22–44 | nay | nay | [^13] | | February 22, 1972 | No. 53 | Ervin amendment No. 907 | rejected, 30–60 | nay | nay | [^14] | | February 22, 1972 | No. 56 | passage of S. 2515 | passed, 73–16 | yea | yea | [^14] | | February 22, 1972 | No. 57 | passage of H.R. 1746, amended | passed, 72–17 | yea | yea | [^14] | Amendment No. 829, offered by Senator [[Sam Ervin]] of North Carolina and modified by him before the vote, would have provided that "No department, agency, or officer of the United States shall require an employer to practice discrimination in reverse" by employing "persons of a particular race, or a particular religion, or a particular national origin, or a particular sex in either fixed or variable numbers, proportions, percentages, quotas, goals, or ranges," and would have given an aggrieved employer or employee a remedy against the offending agency; as first offered it had made a violation a misdemeanor.[^13] Amendment No. 907, in Ervin's description, would have extended the prohibition of § 703(j) — the subsection Humphrey had described in 1964 as stating "what we have maintained all along" — to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, the Office of Contract Compliance and every other executive agency enforcing the equal-employment statutes or presidential directives.[^14][^8] Humphrey voted against both. He voted for the bill that brought the States under Title VII.[^13][^14] The record of these votes does not say why he cast them. Against No. 907, Senator Jacob Javits argued on the floor that its purpose was to apply § 703(j) to the executive order so as to make unlawful any affirmative-action plan like the Philadelphia Plan.[^14] What the roll calls establish is the vote: in 1972 Humphrey voted against amendments that would have barred agencies from requiring hiring in numbers, goals or ranges and extended § 703(j) to the contract program, and for extending Title VII to state employers.[^13][^14] The act he voted for also added § 718, under which a contractor with "an affirmative action plan which has previously been accepted" by the government for the same facility within the past twelve months cannot have its contract denied, terminated or suspended without a full hearing.[^15] ### Humphrey–Hawkins The [[Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978]], known by the names of Humphrey and Representative Augustus Hawkins, was approved October 27, 1978, nine months after his death.[^51][^3] It requires the President's economic report to set "employment objectives for certain significant subgroups of the labor force," naming youth, women, minorities, handicapped persons, veterans, and middle-aged and older persons, and its § 401 bars discrimination on account of sex, age, race, color, religion, national origin or handicap in programs funded under the act.[^51] ### Death and the Institute Humphrey died on January 13, 1978. His widow, [[Muriel Humphrey|Muriel B. Humphrey]], was appointed to the seat on January 25, 1978 and served until November 7, 1978, completing part of his term.[^2][^50] The University of Minnesota's public-affairs school was named for him while he was alive. On July 28, 1977 Vice President [[Walter Mondale]] announced in Washington a campaign to establish the [[Hubert H. Humphrey School of Public Affairs|Hubert H. Humphrey Institute of Public Affairs]] as an expansion of the university's School of Public Affairs; the university's release said "The name change will be effective July 1, 1978."[^52] On September 9, 1977 the Board of Regents resolved, "in fondness, gratitude, and in honor of this distinguished alumnus," to rename the school the Hubert H. Humphrey Institute of Public Affairs, and authorized a foundation fund for it.[^53] Congress authorized grants "to assist in the development of the Hubert H. Humphrey Institute of Public Affairs," up to $5 million, in Public Law 95-270, approved April 27, 1978.[^54][^55] The school's own history credits John S. Adams with leading the transition from 1976 to 1979 and names [[Harlan Cleveland]] its founding dean in 1980; it became the Humphrey School of Public Affairs in 2011.[^56] The school houses the [[Roy Wilkins Center for Human Relations and Social Justice]], which describes itself as a center for analyses of racial and ethnic economic inequality and says it has conducted disparity studies "on behalf of more than a dozen public sector clients."[^57] The page says the studies help clients determine how inequality affects contracting opportunities for disadvantaged groups, and that one of them, for New Jersey Transit, guided that agency's race-conscious goals for disadvantaged business enterprises.[^57] No document read for this article connects Humphrey to the center's work.[^57][^56] ## Humphrey in the cases ### *Weber* (1979) In *United Steelworkers of America v. Weber*, decided June 27, 1979, the Supreme Court held that "Title VII's prohibition in §§ 703(a) and (d) against racial discrimination does not condemn all private, voluntary, race-conscious affirmative action plans."[^8] Both the majority and the dissent drew on Humphrey, among other senators. The majority opinion, by Justice Brennan, began from his March 30 speech: Congress's concern, it said, was "the plight of the Negro in our economy," and "[t]he crux of the problem [was] to open employment opportunities for Negroes in occupations which have been traditionally closed to them."[^8] In a footnote it answered the argument that the floor assurances — remarks by Senators Clark and Case, Williams and Humphrey — forbade the plan by reading them narrowly: "In Senator Humphrey's words, these comments were intended as assurances that Title VII would not allow establishment of systems" to maintain racial balance in employment, and were not addressed to temporary, voluntary measures to eliminate manifest imbalance in traditionally segregated job categories.[^8] Its reading of § 703(j) itself rested on Dirksen's purpose in proposing it and on the remarks of other senators.[^8] It read § 703(j)'s words "require" and "interpreted to require" the same way: had Congress meant to forbid all race-conscious affirmative action, it could have said the title "would not require or permit racially preferential integration efforts."[^8] The dissent, by Justice Rehnquist, called Humphrey "perhaps the primary moving force behind H.R. 7152" and, along with Clark, Case, Kuchel and others, quoted him at length — the March 17 answer at 5423, the March 30 passages at 6549 and 6553, the April 9 offer at 7420, the May 25 statement at 11848 and the June 4 explanation of § 703(j) at 12723 — to argue that the Act forbade the plan.[^8] Its conclusion that the majority had introduced "a tolerance for the very evil that the law was intended to eradicate" comes at the end of that account.[^8] ### The 2026 complaint The United States filed *United States v. State of Minnesota* on January 14, 2026, alleging that the State's affirmative-action hiring machinery, including § 43A.191, violates § 703(a)(1) and (a)(2) of Title VII.[^7][^16] Its opening paragraphs criticize *Weber*. Paragraph 3 quotes the Rehnquist dissent — the Court "introduce[d] into Title VII a tolerance for the very evil that the law was intended to eradicate" — and paragraph 4 says the majority resorted to Title VII's "spirit" to justify its holding.[^7] Paragraph 55 pleads in the alternative that the State's program fails "even under the permissive Weber/Johnson framework."[^7] The complaint does not mention Humphrey, the 1964 Senate debate, § 703(j) or the 1972 Act, and the Justice Department's press release does not mention him either.[^7][^16] The majority's "spirit" discussion at page 201, which the complaint cites, is followed in the opinion by its quotations of his March 30 speech; the dissent's conclusion at pages 254–55, which the complaint quotes, comes at the end of an opinion that quotes him at length.[^8][^7] The corpus's statements that the complaint quotes Humphrey's own moral vocabulary and puts the 1948 speech on the federal docket are incorrect.[^19][^7] The coverage that makes the suit possible is the 1972 extension of Title VII to state employers, for which Humphrey voted; his statements of 1964 were made about a law that did not then reach the States.[^14][^15][^43][^8] ### Other uses On January 19, 2026, the Texas attorney general's Opinion KP-0505 quoted the April 9 offer, with the citation "110 Cong. Rec. 7420 (1964) (statement of Sen. Humphrey)," as evidence that the Civil Rights Act's architects intended equality under law rather than preferential treatment.[^40] In May 2011 Senator [[Amy Klobuchar]] submitted, for herself and Senator Al Franken (the agreed-to text adds Senator Richard Durbin), Senate Resolution 184 recognizing Humphrey's centennial; it describes his role as floor leader of the 1964 Act as "essential to the eventual passage of the Act."[^58][^1] ## Connections to the other architects | Figure | Documented contact | What is not documented | Sources | |---|---|---|---| | [[Walter Mondale]] | Volunteer in Humphrey's mayoral campaigns and field worker in his first Senate campaign; appointed by Governor Rolvaag to Humphrey's Senate seat on December 30, 1964; voted as Humphrey did on the 1972 roll calls above; announced the Humphrey Institute campaign in 1977 | that Mondale was Humphrey's chief of staff or 1964 running mate (corpus) | [^27][^2][^13][^14][^52] | | [[Harlan Cleveland]] | Named founding dean of the Humphrey Institute in 1980 | any contact during Humphrey's lifetime | [^56] | | [[Harold Stassen]] | Humphrey chaired the Senate Subcommittee on Disarmament (1955–1958) while Stassen was the President's special assistant for disarmament; in 1948 Humphrey defeated Ball, Stassen's 1940 appointee | any joint Minnesota instrument | [^36][^37][^31][^32] | | [[Amy Klobuchar]] | Submitted the 2011 centennial resolution | — | [^58] | | [[Tom Emmer]] | none found | — | [^19] | | [[Skip Humphrey|Hubert H. Humphrey III]] | His son; Minnesota attorney general 1983–1999 and state senator 1973–1982 | that he "enforced" § 43A.191, whose duties run to the commissioner and agency heads (corpus) | [^59][^18] | ## Timeline | Date | Event | Sources | |---|---|---| | May 27, 1911 | Born, Wallace, South Dakota | [^1] | | 1944 | Chairs the Fusion Committee that forms the DFL and its first state convention | [^26] | | 1945–1948 | Mayor of Minneapolis | [^1] | | February 12, 1946 | Mayor's Council on Human Relations meets for the first time | [^23] | | January 1947 (date disputed) | Minneapolis fair-employment ordinance | [^24][^28] | | July 14, 1948 | Convention speech for the minority civil-rights plank | [^29] | | November 2, 1948 | Elected to the Senate over Joseph H. Ball | [^31] | | 1955–1958 | Chairs the Senate Subcommittee on Disarmament | [^36] | | 1961 | Senate Democratic whip | [^33] | | March 17 – June 4, 1964 | Floor statements on Title VII at 5423, 6547–53, 7420, 11848 and 12723 | [^8] | | May 26, 1964 | Amendment No. 656, carrying § 703(j), submitted | [^42] | | June 10 and 19, 1964 | Cloture, 71–29; Senate passage | [^6] | | July 2, 1964 | Civil Rights Act signed; Title VII excludes the States as employers | [^43] | | January 20, 1965 | Vice President | [^4] | | September 24, 1965 | His recommendations adopted; Executive Orders 11246 and 11247 | [^11][^12][^46] | | October 5, 1965 | Office of Federal Contract Compliance created | [^47] | | 1968 | Democratic nominee for president; loses 191–301 | [^5] | | January 3, 1971 | Returns to the Senate | [^2] | | January 28, 1972 | Votes against Ervin amendment No. 829 | [^13] | | February 22, 1972 | Votes against Ervin amendment No. 907 and for S. 2515 and H.R. 1746 | [^14] | | March 24, 1972 | Equal Employment Opportunity Act brings the States under Title VII | [^15] | | July 28 and September 9, 1977 | Humphrey Institute campaign announced; Regents rename the school | [^52][^53] | | January 13, 1978 | Dies in office | [^2] | | April 27, 1978 | Public Law 95-270 authorizes Institute grants | [^54] | | October 27, 1978 | Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act approved | [^51] | | June 27, 1979 | *Weber* decided | [^8] | | 1985 | Minn. Stat. § 43A.191 enacted | [^18] | | January 14, 2026 | *United States v. State of Minnesota* filed | [^7] | ## Corpus claims checked The project's corpus on Humphrey includes a speech-versus-complaint pair, a words-versus-deeds essay, a network file, a biography, a deep-dive file, a list of one hundred claims and timeline rows.[^19] The table records the claims checked against the primary record. | Corpus claim | Verdict | What the record shows | Sources | |---|---|---|---| | The offer to start eating the pages was made in the March 30, 1964 speech | corrected | It is at 110 Cong. Rec. 7420, April 9, 1964, in an exchange with Senator Robertson | [^10][^8] | | The offer was sworn or made under oath | corrected | It was a remark in floor debate | [^10] | | *Griggs v. Duke Power* cited the 7420 offer approvingly | not supported | *Griggs* cites the 1964 *Record* at other pages, including 5614–16, 5662, 7213, 7247, 13492, 13504 and 13724, but not 7420; it quotes Humphrey only on the Tower amendment | [^41] | | The 2026 complaint quotes Humphrey or puts the 1948 speech before the court | false | The complaint does not mention Humphrey, the 1964 debate or § 703(j) | [^7] | | Humphrey transferred Title VII pattern-or-practice authority to the Attorney General in 1978 | false | The 1978 order the complaint cites, Executive Order 12068, was issued after his death on January 13, 1978; the 1964 Act he managed gave the Attorney General § 707 authority, the 1972 Act he voted for transferred it to the EEOC, and his 1965 memorandum's Attorney General recommendations concerned Title VI coordination and the Community Relations Service | [^7][^11][^2] | | § 43A.191 was signed by Governor Quie in 1981 | false as to § 43A.191 | § 43A.191 was enacted in 1985, 1st Spec. Sess., ch. 13, § 172; § 43A.19, the statewide program the complaint also cites, was enacted by Laws 1981, ch. 210 | [^18][^17] | | § 43A.191 has been amended five times | corrected | Thirteen amending acts | [^18][^60] | | Humphrey was a co-architect and second-ranking signatory of Executive Order 11246 | signatory: false; co-architect: a characterization | Johnson signed it; Humphrey's memorandum recommended the reorganization the order carried out; the contract clause dates to 1961 | [^47][^11][^44] | | Humphrey co-sponsored the Civil Rights Act of 1957 | not supported | The corpus gives no bill citation, and no co-sponsorship record was located | [^19] | | Mondale was Humphrey's chief of staff and his 1964 running mate | false | Mondale was a campaign volunteer and field worker, later Rolvaag's appointee to the Senate; Humphrey was Johnson's running mate in 1964 | [^27][^4] | | Mondale co-authored the Refugee Act of 1980 | not supported | The act was approved March 17, 1980, while Mondale was vice president and not a member of Congress | [^61][^27] | | Humphrey's war generated Minnesota's Hmong population | not supported as an attribution | No Humphrey act identified; his February 1965 memorandum cautioned against escalation, and MNopedia records that his support for the war cost him the presidency | [^49][^50] | | The Minneapolis ordinance was the prototype of the EEOC, and § 43A.191 inherits its structure | not supported | No document links the ordinance to the EEOC's design or to § 43A.191 | [^23][^18] | | The 1944 merger excluded the Popular Front | corrected | The Popular Front was excluded from 1948 onward | [^26] | | The school was renamed for Humphrey after his death in 1978 | corrected | Renamed by the Regents on September 9, 1977, while he was alive; effective July 1, 1978 | [^53][^52] | | The Institute was founded in 1977 with Harlan Cleveland as founding dean | corrected as to Cleveland | The school dates its founding to 1977; John Adams led the transition 1976–1979, and Cleveland was named founding dean in 1980 | [^56] | | Humphrey controlled the party machinery into the 1980s | false | He died in 1978 | [^2] | | Skip Humphrey enforced § 43A.191 | not supported | The statute assigns its duties to the commissioner; he was attorney general 1983–1999 | [^18][^59] | | A grandson served in the State Senate | not supported | Skip Humphrey's legislative record lists no family member who served in the Legislature | [^59] | | Humphrey held a master's degree from the University of Minnesota | corrected | Bachelor's from Minnesota, 1939; master's from Louisiana State, 1940 | [^1] | | The Wilkins Center designs legally defensible race-conscious programs | not on the cited page | The page describes disparity studies for public clients | [^57] | | The complaint alleges a regime in place since 1981 | traceable, not stated | The complaint gives no 1981 date, but it pleads Minnesota laws enacted around the time of *Weber* and *Johnson*, and § 43A.19, which it cites first, was enacted in 1981 | [^7][^17] | | Humphrey sponsored the Communist Control Act of 1954 | not checked | The statute names S. 3706 but no sponsor | [^34] | ## The two readings The parent article's two readings apply to Humphrey as follows; neither is this article's conclusion.[^25] **The inheritance reading.** On this reading Humphrey's record is a record against preferences, and the instruments at issue were made by others. Several of his 1964 statements addressed what Title VII would *require* or permit a commission or court to order, and § 703(j) is framed the same way: nothing in the title "shall be interpreted to require" preferential treatment.[^8][^43] The Supreme Court majority read those statements as not reaching voluntary plans.[^8] Title VII as enacted in 1964 did not cover the States.[^43] He signed no contract-compliance order; the affirmative-action clause was Kennedy's and the goals and timetables Nixon's.[^44][^48] He never held state office and signed no Minnesota instrument; § 43A.191 was enacted seven years after his death.[^2][^18] In 1957 he used "quota" for limits that excluded minority students.[^35] The Wilkins Center at the institute bearing his name was founded in 1992, fourteen years after his death.[^57] The 2026 complaint does not mention him.[^7] **The structural reading.** On this reading Humphrey's assurances and his later votes point in different directions. In 1964 he told the Senate that the title "forbids discriminating against anyone on account of race" and offered to eat the bill if it required hiring by percentage or quota; he co-submitted the substitute that added § 703(j) and called it a statement of "what we have maintained all along."[^8][^10][^42] In 1972, when Title VII was extended to the States, he voted against an amendment barring federal agencies from requiring hiring in "numbers, proportions, percentages, quotas, goals, or ranges," against an amendment extending § 703(j) to the contract-compliance agencies, and for the extension.[^13][^14] In 1965 he recommended the reorganization that put the contract program in the Labor Department, whose compliance office then required affirmative action plans.[^11][^47] The 1978 act bearing his name sets employment objectives for named groups.[^51] Both opinions in *Weber* drew on him, the majority for the purpose of the Act and the dissent for its prohibition.[^8] The institute bearing his name houses a center whose disparity study for New Jersey Transit guided that agency's race-conscious goals.[^57] The 1972 act he voted for protected contractors whose affirmative-action plans the government had accepted.[^15] No statement in which he revisited his 1964 assurances after 1965 has been located.[^19] **What both readings foreclose.** Both readings work from the same pages of the *Record*, the same roll calls and the same orders; they differ on whether the 1964 assurances and the 1972 votes describe one position or two.[^8][^13][^14] Neither is supported by attributing to Humphrey Executive Order 11246, Executive Order 12068, § 43A.191 or a place in the 2026 complaint.[^12][^7][^18] ## Open items 1. **The Minneapolis ordinance.** Its date (1947 or 1948), number and roll call, from the City Council proceedings.[^23][^24][^28] 2. **The 1948 plank.** The convention tally on the minority civil-rights report, from the official proceedings.[^29] 3. **Other 1972 roll calls.** The January 31, 1972 vote on removing state and local governments from the bill and the March 1972 conference-report vote, from the bound *Record*.[^13][^15] 4. **Later statements.** Whether Humphrey addressed goals, timetables or quotas after 1965 — the Philadelphia Plan (1969–70), the 1972 campaign, or the *DeFunis* and *Bakke* cases — in his speech files or the *Record*.[^19] 5. **The drafting of § 703(j).** The drafting record of Amendment No. 656 in the Dirksen and Humphrey papers.[^42][^8] 6. **The 2026 docket.** Later filings in the case, including any amended complaint, from the docket.[^62] ## Red-link work list Titles linked from this article that the wiki does not have yet, grouped by project; the cross-spine list is `_spines/redlinks.tsv`. - **Federal law and cases:** [[Equal Employment Opportunity Act of 1972]] · [[Executive Order 10925]] · [[Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs]] · [[Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978]] · [[United Steelworkers v. Weber]] · [[Griggs v. Duke Power Co.]] - **People:** [[Everett Dirksen]] · [[Sam Ervin]] - **Institutions:** [[Americans for Democratic Action]] · [[Hubert H. Humphrey School of Public Affairs]] · [[Roy Wilkins Center for Human Relations and Social Justice]] ## See also - [[How Minnesota Got Here]] - [[United States v. State of Minnesota (affirmative-action hiring)]] - [[Minn. Stat. § 43A.191]] - [[Federal nondiscrimination certifications of the State of Minnesota]] - [[Humphrey, Freeman and Mondale]] - [[Harold Stassen]] · [[Walter Mondale]] · [[Harlan Cleveland]] · [[Amy Klobuchar]] · [[Tom Emmer]] ## Notes [^1]: S. Res. 184, 112th Cong. (2011), "Recognizing the life and service of the Honorable Hubert H. Humphrey ... upon the 100th anniversary of his birth" (agreed-to text) — birth, pharmacy, degrees, mayoralty, the 1948 plank, first Democrat from Minnesota elected to the Senate, floor leader of the 1964 Act. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/BILLS-112sres184ats/html/BILLS-112sres184ats.htm [^2]: U.S. Senate, "Minnesota: Senators" — service dates for Ball, Humphrey (1949–1964, resigned; 1971–1978, died), Mondale (appointed Dec. 30, 1964), Muriel B. Humphrey (appointed Jan. 25, 1978) and others. https://www.senate.gov/states/MN/senators.htm [^3]: U.S. Senate, "Hubert Humphrey: A Featured Biography" — floor manager with Kuchel; sponsor of the Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment bill of 1978. https://www.senate.gov/senators/FeaturedBios/Featured_Bio_HumphreyHubert.htm [^4]: National Archives, Office of the Federal Register, "1964 Electoral College Results" — Johnson and Humphrey, 486 electoral votes. https://www.archives.gov/electoral-college/1964 [^5]: National Archives, Office of the Federal Register, "1968 Electoral College Results" — Nixon 301, Humphrey 191, Wallace 46. https://www.archives.gov/electoral-college/1968 [^6]: U.S. Senate Historical Office, "Landmark Legislation: The Civil Rights Act of 1964" — House passage Feb. 10; Humphrey as floor manager; the Dirksen redraft; cloture 71–29 on June 10; passage nine days later; signing July 2. https://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/common/generic/CivilRightsAct1964.htm [^7]: Complaint, *United States v. State of Minnesota*, No. 0:26-cv-00273 (D. Minn. filed Jan. 14, 2026), Title VII §§ 703(a)(1)–(2), with the Department of Human Services hiring-justification policy as Exhibit B; the complaint cites Minn. Stat. § 43A.191. https://www.justice.gov/crt/media/1423361/dl [^8]: *United Steelworkers of America v. Weber*, 443 U.S. 193 (1979) (decided June 27, 1979), majority opinion of Justice Brennan and dissent of Justice Rehnquist, Legal Information Institute text — the opinions' quotations of 110 Cong. Rec. 5423, 6547–49, 6552–53, 7420, 11848 and 12723. https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/443/193 [^9]: 110 Cong. Rec. 6490–6605 (Mar. 30, 1964), Senate, bound edition — Humphrey's opening speech, pp. 6528–53, including 6547–49 and 6553. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/GPO-CRECB-1964-pt5/pdf/GPO-CRECB-1964-pt5-8-1.pdf [^10]: 110 Cong. Rec. 7420 (Apr. 9, 1964), Senate, bound edition — the Humphrey–Robertson exchange. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/GPO-CRECB-1964-pt6/pdf/GPO-CRECB-1964-pt6-3-2.pdf "I will start eating the pages one after another, because it is not in there" [^11]: Lyndon B. Johnson, "Memorandum on Reassignment of Civil Rights Functions" (Sept. 24, 1965), with the Vice President's recommendations, American Presidency Project. https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/memorandum-reassignment-civil-rights-functions "responsibility should now be vested directly in the Department of Labor, and I so recommend" [^12]: Executive Order 11246 (Sept. 24, 1965), as amended by Executive Order 11375 (Oct. 13, 1967), National Archives codification — the equal-opportunity clause of every federal contract. https://www.archives.gov/federal-register/codification/executive-order/11246.html "The contractor will not discriminate against any employee or applicant for employment because of race, color, religion, sex, or national origin." [^13]: 118 Cong. Rec. 1624–88 (Jan. 28, 1972), Senate, bound edition — Ervin amendment No. 829 to S. 2515 and roll call No. 19 (rejected 22–44). https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/GPO-CRECB-1972-pt2/pdf/GPO-CRECB-1972-pt2-3-1.pdf "No department, agency, or office of the United States shall require any employer to practice discrimination in reverse" [^14]: 118 Cong. Rec. 4829–5020 (Feb. 22, 1972), Senate, bound edition — Ervin amendment No. 907 and roll call No. 53 (rejected 30–60), Javits in opposition; roll calls No. 56 (S. 2515 passed 73–16) and No. 57 (H.R. 1746 passed 72–17). https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/GPO-CRECB-1972-pt4/pdf/GPO-CRECB-1972-pt4-6-1.pdf [^15]: Equal Employment Opportunity Act of 1972, Pub. L. 92-261, 86 Stat. 103, § 2 — amends the Title VII definition of "person" to include governments, governmental agencies and political subdivisions. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/STATUTE-86/pdf/STATUTE-86-Pg103.pdf [^16]: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Public Affairs, press release No. 26-21, "United States Department of Justice Files Lawsuit Against Minnesota's 'Affirmative Action' Regime" (Jan. 14, 2026) — title, filing date, and the Attorney General's certification of the case as a matter of general public importance. https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/united-states-department-justice-files-lawsuit-against-minnesotas-affirmative-action-regime [^17]: Laws of Minnesota 1981, ch. 210 (S.F. No. 876), approved May 15, 1981 — repeals Minnesota Statutes 1980, chapter 43 and enacts chapter 43A: § 1 [43A.01] subd. 2 (the affirmative-action policy), § 13 [43A.13] subd. 7 ("expanded certification"), § 19 [43A.19] (the statewide affirmative action program), § 53 [43A.47] (transitional provisions). https://www.revisor.mn.gov/laws/1981/0/Session+Law/Chapter/210/ "All rights, privileges, liabilities and obligations possessed or created under chapter 43" [^18]: Minn. Stat. § 43A.191, "Agency Affirmative Action Programs," with history line. https://www.revisor.mn.gov/statutes/cite/43A.191 [^19]: Minnesota record, Humphrey corpus files (Speech_v_Complaint, Words_vs_Deeds, the network and biography files, Deep_Dive, the 100-claims list, the existing wiki page and timeline rows), as checked in the Humphrey fact sheet of Oct. 28, 2026. [^20]: Minnesota record, *How Minnesota Got Here — Minnesota's Administrative Discrimination Regime* (merged master, footnoted; compiled June 12, refreshed June 19, 2026), preface and §0 — the discipline (structural claims about institutions; individuals in official capacity only; verdicts reserved to the grand jury, the court and the Division) and the two readings built to be cited by both sides. [^21]: Minnesota record, *The Instrument No One Will Name* (densified companion, June 18, 2026), opening register and method note — combative to the game, critical of each team, neutral on the players; judges the container, never the merits; "symmetric or void". [^22]: 110 Cong. Rec. 5411–66 (Mar. 17, 1964), Senate, bound edition — p. 5423, Humphrey's answer to the advertisement on Title VII. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/GPO-CRECB-1964-pt4/pdf/GPO-CRECB-1964-pt4-11-1.pdf [^23]: Hubert H. Humphrey, speech digest on Minneapolis civil-rights work (1949), Minnesota Historical Society, Humphrey papers, speech text 00442-00212. http://www.mnhs.org/library/findaids/00442/pdfa/00442-00212.pdf [^24]: Iric Nathanson, "In the 'bright sunshine': Hubert Humphrey's civil-rights agenda," MinnPost (May 2011) (secondary) — the January 1947 council vote of 21 to 3. https://www.minnpost.com/politics-policy/2011/05/bright-sunshine-hubert-humphreys-civil-rights-agenda/ [^25]: Minnesota record, *How Minnesota Got Here — Minnesota's Administrative Discrimination Regime* (merged master, footnoted; compiled June 12, refreshed June 19, 2026), §0 and §6 — the defense (inheritance and immunization) and prosecution (structurally compromised apparatus; receivership argument) readings, and the third reading both foreclose. [^26]: Minnesota Historical Society, *Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party of Minnesota records* (finding aid 00586), historical sketch — the 1944 merger and the Fusion Committee; the Popular Front excluded from 1948 onward. http://www.mnhs.org/library/findaids/00586.html [^27]: Minnesota Historical Society, "Walter F. Mondale: Biography" — campaign work for Humphrey; appointment by Governor Rolvaag in 1964; offices held. https://www.mnhs.org/mondale/biography [^28]: Minnesota Historical Society, research guide "Hubert H. Humphrey." https://libguides.mnhs.org/hhh [^29]: Hubert H. Humphrey, prepared text of the address to the Democratic National Convention, Philadelphia, July 14, 1948, Minnesota Historical Society, Humphrey papers, 00442-00187. http://www.mnhs.org/library/findaids/00442/pdfa/00442-00187.pdf [^30]: Hubert H. Humphrey, 1948 Democratic National Convention address, transcription of the delivered speech, American Rhetoric (secondary transcription). https://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/huberthumphey1948dnc.html [^31]: Minnesota State Canvassing Board, report of the 1948 general election, "For United States Senator in Congress" — Ball 485,801; Humphrey 729,494; Dunne 4,951. https://www.lrl.mn.gov/docs/2023/Other/232070/1948.pdf [^32]: Wikipedia, "Joseph H. Ball" (secondary) — appointed by Stassen to the seat of Ernest Lundeen; sworn in October 14, 1940. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_H._Ball [^33]: U.S. Senate, "Democratic Party Whips" — Hubert H. Humphrey, Jr., 1961–1965. https://www.senate.gov/senators/democratic-party-whips.htm [^34]: Communist Control Act of 1954, ch. 886, 68 Stat. 775, approved Aug. 24, 1954. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/STATUTE-68/pdf/STATUTE-68-Pg775.pdf [^35]: Office of Senator Hubert H. Humphrey, release on college quota systems (Saturday, Nov. 23 [1957]), Minnesota Historical Society, Humphrey papers, 00442-00675. http://www.mnhs.org/library/findaids/00442/pdfa/00442-00675.pdf [^36]: *FRUS, 1955–1957*, vol. XX, doc. 99 (editorial note) — the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Disarmament (S. Res. 93, July 25, 1955), chaired by Hubert H. Humphrey; hearings January 25, 1956 – August 1, 1958, including public hearings in Minneapolis. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v20/d99 [^37]: *FRUS, 1955–1957*, vol. XX, doc. 16 (editorial note) — the March 19, 1955 appointment as Special Assistant with Cabinet rank; no agency list had named Stassen; his cabled reply from Karachi. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v20/d16 [^38]: 110 Cong. Rec. 11819–84 (May 25, 1964), Senate, bound edition — Humphrey's statement at 11846–48. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/GPO-CRECB-1964-pt9/pdf/GPO-CRECB-1964-pt9-5-2.pdf [^39]: 110 Cong. Rec. 12633–733 (June 4, 1964), Senate, bound edition — Humphrey's explanation of the substitute, 12715–23, including § 707 (12722) and § 703(j) (12723). https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/GPO-CRECB-1964-pt10/pdf/GPO-CRECB-1964-pt10-1-1.pdf [^40]: Attorney General of Texas, Opinion No. KP-0505 (Jan. 19, 2026), "'Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion' in Texas," pp. 8–9. https://www.texasattorneygeneral.gov/sites/default/files/opinion-files/opinion/2026/kp-0505_0.pdf [^41]: *Griggs v. Duke Power Co.*, 401 U.S. 424 (1971), Legal Information Institute text. https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/401/424 [^42]: 110 Cong. Rec. 11890–950 (May 26, 1964), Senate, bound edition — p. 11897, Amendment No. 656 in the nature of a substitute, submitted by Dirksen for himself, Mansfield, Humphrey and Kuchel. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/GPO-CRECB-1964-pt9/pdf/GPO-CRECB-1964-pt9-6-1.pdf [^43]: Civil Rights Act of 1964, Pub. L. 88-352, 78 Stat. 241 — § 701(b) ("employer" excludes a State or political subdivision), § 703(j). https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/STATUTE-78/pdf/STATUTE-78-Pg241.pdf [^44]: Executive Order 10925 (Mar. 6, 1961), establishing the President's Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity — § 102(a), the Vice President as chairman; the contractor's affirmative-action clause. https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/executive-order-10925-establishing-the-presidents-committee-equal-employment-opportunity [^45]: Executive Order 11197 (Feb. 5, 1965), establishing the President's Council on Equal Opportunity, the Vice President as chairman. https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/executive-order-11197-establishing-the-presidents-council-equal-opportunity [^46]: Executive Order 11247 (Sept. 24, 1965) — Title VI coordination assigned to the Attorney General; § 3 revokes Executive Order 11197. https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/executive-order-11247-providing-for-the-coordination-the-attorney-general-enforcement [^47]: Congressional Research Service, *History and Status of the Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs (OFCCP)*, In Focus IF12941 — E.O. 10925; E.O. 11246; the OFCC created Oct. 5, 1965 and its first plan requirement; E.O. 14173 (Jan. 21, 2025). https://www.congress.gov/crs_external_products/IF/PDF/IF12941/IF12941.1.pdf [^48]: White House, *Affirmative Action Review: Report to the President* (1995), § 6.1 — goals and timetables introduced by regulation in 1970. https://clintonwhitehouse4.archives.gov/WH/EOP/OP/html/aa/aa06.html [^49]: *FRUS, 1964–1968*, vol. II, doc. 134 — memorandum from Vice President Humphrey to President Johnson, Feb. 17, 1965. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v02/d134 [^50]: MNopedia, "Humphrey, Hubert H. (1911–1978)," with its related resources on Muriel Humphrey. https://www.mnhs.org/mnopedia/search/index/person/humphrey-hubert-h-1911-1978 [^51]: Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978, Pub. L. 95-523, 92 Stat. 1887, approved Oct. 27, 1978 — employment objectives for subgroups; § 401, nondiscrimination. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/STATUTE-92/pdf/STATUTE-92-Pg1887.pdf [^52]: University of Minnesota News Service, "HHH Public Affairs Institute to be Established at U of M" (July 28, 1977), University Digital Conservancy scan. https://conservancy.umn.edu/server/api/core/bitstreams/598c4d8b-a968-4199-8d04-df0a1d718fff/content [^53]: University of Minnesota, Minutes of the Board of Regents, meeting of Sept. 9, 1977 — resolution renaming the School of Public Affairs. https://conservancy.umn.edu/server/api/core/bitstreams/31e475cb-9686-4985-91e1-593494fcf120/content "in fondness, gratitude, and in honor of this distinguished alumnus" [^54]: Pub. L. 95-270, 92 Stat. 220, approved Apr. 27, 1978 — grants for the Hubert H. Humphrey Institute of Public Affairs, appropriations not to exceed $5,000,000. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/STATUTE-92/pdf/STATUTE-92-Pg220.pdf [^55]: 20 U.S.C. § 2566 (Legal Information Institute). https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/20/2566 [^56]: Hubert H. Humphrey School of Public Affairs, "Mission, Values and Legacy" — school history: predecessors from 1936, the Humphrey Institute, Adams (1976–79), Cleveland founding dean (1980), renamed 2011. https://www.hhh.umn.edu/mission-values-and-legacy [^57]: Humphrey School, Roy Wilkins Center for Human Relations and Social Justice, "Disparity Studies" page. https://www.hhh.umn.edu/research-centers/roy-wilkins-center-human-relations-and-social-justice/wilkins-center-research/disparity-studies "on behalf of more than a dozen public sector clients" [^58]: 157 Cong. Rec. (May 2011), "Senate Resolution 184 — Recognizing the life and service of the Honorable Hubert H. Humphrey," submitted by Ms. Klobuchar for herself and Mr. Franken (Senate Historical Office PDF). https://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/resources/pdf/HumphreyCentennialRes.pdf [^59]: Minnesota Legislative Reference Library, Legislators Past & Present, "Hubert H. 'Skip' Humphrey, III" — Senate 1973–82; Attorney General 1983–1999; son of the Vice President. https://www.lrl.mn.gov/legdb/fulldetail?ID=10270 [^60]: Minnesota record, *The Instrument No One Will Name* (densified companion, June 18, 2026), note 14 — § 43A.191 history line: enactment 1Sp1985 c 13 s 172, then thirteen amendments (1987 ×2, 1988, 1990, 1992, 1995, 1996, 2004, 2007, 2008, 2009, 1Sp2019, 2023), no repeal; seven signed by Republican governors (Carlson 3, Pawlenty 4), six by DFL governors. [^61]: Refugee Act of 1980, Pub. L. 96-212, 94 Stat. 102, approved Mar. 17, 1980. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/STATUTE-94/pdf/STATUTE-94-Pg102.pdf [^62]: Civil Rights Litigation Clearinghouse, *United States v. Minnesota* (case 47712) — docket, three-judge district court, status. https://clearinghouse.net/case/47712/